The Iosepa Voyage: The Reconstruction of Hawaiian Voyaging Within Mormon Context

In 1973, anthropologist, Ben Finney, led a group of Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian canoeing enthusiasts on a journey that reshaped the history of Polynesian canoeing via reconstructing the old ways of navigating the open oceans. This interest in traditional navigating and canoeing transpired during his years as a Master student at the University of Hawai‘i. In his anthropological studies, Finney was introduced to Andrew Sharp’s work, who believed that Polynesian settlement of Hawai‘i only occurred because they lacked true navigational skills and their canoes were pushed by wind to uninhabited islands. Finney saw fault in Sharp’s argument and set out to disprove Sharp’s theory. Finney founded the Polynesian Voyaging Society and raised funds to construct and voyage a double-hulled canoe, the Hokule‘a, modeled after the characteristics of the canoes of ancient Polynesia. With the Hokule‘a, he and his colleagues were able to challenge Sharp’s theory and revive the reputation of ancient Polynesian canoeing and navigating. Through the completion of multiple voyages between Hawai’i and other Polynesian islands, Finney and his colleagues were able to employ oral traditions that can only be fully understood through this experience. Finney’s initial purpose of the reinvention of Polynesian voyaging was more of a scientific experiment, yet he successfully deflated Sharp’s theory.

Much like the Hokule‘a, a Mormon group in La‘ie, Hawai‘i, comprised of students in the Hawaiian Studies Program at Brigham Young University-Hawai‘i (BYU Hawai‘i) and employees at the Polynesian Cultural Center, under the leadership of William Wallace, have embarked on this same journey by constructing and voyaging their own vessel, the Iosepa (first launched in 2001). The Iosepa is a 57-foot traditional twin-hulled canoe also modeled after the ancient Polynesian vessels. In context of revived canoeing tradition, such as the Hokule‘a, I will analyze how the Iosepa, a Mormon-Hawaiian canoe, fits within the duality of Hawaiian and Mormon identities. For Wallace and the students who built the Iosepa, it leads one to examine whether they identify largely as Hawaiian, Mormon or a fraught articulation of the two. My contribution to this complex context is to argue that this reconstruction of the old traditional ways of voyaging has the BYU-Hawai‘i students reconnecting to their ancestry’s old ways, even within a colonized space, thus allowing them to become Polynesian and Mormon equally. By exploring the “cargo” carried by the Iosepa, represents the hopes, aspirations, and intentions for the canoe builders and crew, I argue that the Mormon Church and its historical influence is a key contributor within Hawaiian narrative.

In order to understand Polynesian Mormons’ struggle with the burden of dual identities, I have examined a range of documents pertaining to local histories and cultural expressions. As the Director of the Office of Diversity and Inclusion at the University of Colorado I have worked with diverse groups and individuals that struggle with their dual identities, and through direct contact with Mormon and non-Mormon Polynesians, I have witnessed the process of how identity construction is experienced and articulated within Polynesian Mormon communities. Indirectly, I will use my interactions with Mormon Polynesians to assist in framing my argument on the ability to negotiate between Polynesian identities and Mormon identities. In doing so, I hope to add a fresh and unique perspective to the study of identity construction.

To justify my argument, I primarily engage the theoretical approach outlined by Robert Orsi in regard to his ideas of in-betweeness and lived religion. For my purpose, I view the in-betweeness of the two worlds as being the religious world and cultural world of a Polynesian Mormon and the meaning of the identities that are constructed between the two worlds. To describe lived religion, he states, “Religious practice and imagination is an ongoing, dynamic relation with realities and structures of everyday life in particular times and places.” This concept describes how members of any given religious community make meaningful and workable sense of the institutional, ritual and theological structures with which they live.

To support my argument that Polynesian Mormons are able to attain dual identities, two ideas have become my focus. First, Polynesians and Mormons have overlapping practices whose similarities could be due in part to mythical speculation that Polynesians are descendants of a Mormon Nephite explorer named Hagoth. This gives Polynesians a tangible relation to Mormon religious text. Second, the Iosepa canoe is named after the 19th Century Mormon Polynesian colony, Iosepa, Utah, where faithful Polynesian saints immigrated in order continue the Lord’s work. Here the Polynesians practiced their culture in an unfamiliar environment while remaining steadfast in their religious beliefs.

Similar to how Hawaiian history is passed from generation to generation, the accounts of Mormons in Hawai‘i have been passed down through oral and written tradition. When one begins to explore the influences that Mormonism has had on the Native Hawaiians (and other Polynesian groups) and their way of life, it is impossible to ignore the past. The genealogical research and the path of ancestry are of great importance to both Hawaiian and Mormon traditions in order to exalt their path of ancestry. Polynesians rely on genealogy for a connection to their ancestors in order to strengthen their cultural identity.

When linking Polynesians to Mormon history, early Mormon missionaries speculated that Polynesians are the lost tribe from the House of Israel. Mormon scholars have alleged that the Polynesians are descendants of Lehi in the Book of Mormon through Hagoth , a Nephite explorer believed to have set off to sea with his people but never returned. Unfortunately, the accounts of Hagoth’s three ships are sparse and lack insightful detail. However, this has not discouraged some scholars and religious leaders within the Mormon Church to believe that Hagoth discovered and settled the Pacific Islands. The accounts of Hagoth are recorded in the Book of Mormon in Alma Chapter 63, verses 5-8. In summary, Hagoth was a curious man who built three large ships. Many Nephites entered the ships and sailed forth northward, but they were never heard of more.

The problem with considering Polynesians to be Nephite descendants is that the Book of Mormon does not state this point, and there is no official doctrine stating it either, only speculations from leaders and scholars. One of the Church’s early missionaries, George Q. Cannon, had a personal revelation to pronounce the Native Hawaiians to be descendants of Lehi, hence belonging to the lineage of Israel. Most notably, leaders in the Mormon Church that have made a significant statement in this regard are Presidents Heber J. Grant, Joseph F. Smith, and Spencer W. Kimball. Grant stated at the Hawaiian temple dedication, “We thank thee that thousands and tens of thousands of the descendants of Lehi, in this favored land, have come to a knowledge of the Gospel.” Smith furthers this argument by commenting to a group of Maori Mormons, “I would like to say to you brethren and sisters from New Zealand, you are some of Hagoth’s people, and there is no perhaps about it.” These types of statements coming from Church leadership are in some ways considered to be revelation and insight from their heavenly father. The testimonies of the Polynesians and Native Hawaiians who believe they are descendants of Hagoth continue to be strengthened by these types of connections and statements.

When approaching the name Iosepa, I have to peel back layers of meaning, stories, and hopes embedded in its name in order to provide a clear understanding of how the historical and spiritual relationship between Mormonism and Polynesianness have been connected. In the late 1880s, newly converted Mormon Polynesians moved to the Salt Lake Valley to be close to the Church’s gathering place so they could perform their temple work. On August 28, 1889 the Polynesians who had migrated to Utah were moved to Skull Valley because of racial tensions occurring between the Polynesian saints and the white Mormons. Tracey E. Panek argues, “Racial prejudice contributed to tension between the Polynesians and the larger Salt Lake community.” Thus, leading well over 200 Polynesians to establish the Iosepa colony, named after Joseph F. Smith, a former missionary in Hawai‘i who later became President of the Church.

Even though the Iosepa colony only lasted mere decades, I argue that there are two dominant narratives that are present even today: one, the Polynesians’ diasporic connection to Iosepa and two, the Mormon idea of a promised land and the symbolic voyage or journey to this promised land. Thus, the Iosepa canoe has a meaningful connection to its namesake since it represents the metaphoric dialogue of the Polynesian saints who migrated to Iosepa, Utah, and it takes on a larger meaning of both Polynesian identity and Mormon identity.

William Wallace’s grandparents were some of the early Polynesians who converted to Mormonism, sold all their possessions in Hawai‘i, and migrated to the Polynesian colony in Iosepa, Utah. Wallace states, “In a dream, I was inspired by my grandfather to name the canoe Iosepa.” The Iosepa canoe has multiple meanings for many people. But for Wallace, the Iosepa canoe stands as a beacon of hope not only for the students and crewmembers, but for the community of La‘ie and other Polynesian communities. Wallace writes, “Like the colony of Iosepa, the canoe brings together many cultures because it is built with hardwood dakua logs from Fiji, parts from Samoa, Tonga and Hawai‘i and gifts from the Maori.” As one can speculate often times crew members and students attending BYU Hawai‘i grow up knowing they are Hawaiian, Samoan, Tongan, etc., but do not discover the meaning of their ethnic background or their cultural context until they work within this culturally enhanced environment. At the same time, as church members, student and community members, a spiritual self is being created along with a cultural self and two dominant lifestyles are now interweaved and accepted widely in this community. Former student and crewmember Keali‘i states, “Being involved with the canoe is a very spiritual experience, my eyes were opened spiritually, and I felt that our ancestors are there to support us on our voyages.” Former BYU-Hawai‘i president Eric Shumway states in reference to the canoe, “The Iosepa is more than simply a voyaging canoe. From the very beginning this whole process has been a sacred and spiritual journey.” He continues, “Even though it’s part of the Hawaiian Studies program, it was never exclusively Hawaiian. It was inclusively all of Polynesia, the Church, La‘ie and the aloha spirit.”

Connections through genealogy to one’s ancestors, canoeing, agricultural practices, dance/hula and past traditions have been vital in redefining and recreating Polynesian identities and histories. For example, Edward Ayau and Ty Tengan argue that by conducting these cultural protocols and in-depth genealogy searches that native pride and awareness has increased. I use the example of the Iosepa canoe and its crewmembers, or as Wallace states, “voyagers of faith,” to reinforce this argument of how these practices and traditions are being nourished and reintroduced to the community.

What I have learned from my research is that recognizing what it means to be both Polynesian and Mormon is a learning process for Polynesian Mormons to first understand and then live their dual identities. I have decided that the Mormon canoe, Iosepa, assists with this in-between negotiation for members and serves as historical constituents of their heritage and traditions. The Iosepa not only provided the students and the crewmembers with insight to understand their past and culture, it is also a metaphor for the voyage of Polynesian saints from America to Pacific islands and back again. Feki, a student at BYU- Hawai‘i, who assisted on the construction of the Iosepa canoe wrote on a blog, “I have learned so much from the canoe about my culture to the point that when I came back from serving a full-time mission, I decided to change my major from English to Hawaiian Studies. I have tried to become fluent in the Hawai‘i language, but it’s not quite there yet. I can understand a lot more now, and I have a greater appreciation and understanding for my Hawaiian culture.” This appreciation of discovering one’s identity assists in the process of decolonization for his people and himself.

By exploring the construction and use of identity, Polynesians are able to stay connected to their historical roots and ancestral ties while interweaving and balancing another dominant lifestyle like Mormonism. I do not contend that the Mormon Church purposely set out to preserve the cultural roots and traditions of Polynesians; it is an instructive and consequential coincidence of history that some beliefs and practices coincided with each other. Thus, Polynesians have been able to engage the space of these intersections as a means to sustain their Polynesian identity. I believe that this idea of negotiating between a cultural and a religious lifestyle, termed “in-betweeness” by Robert Orsi, is attainable and evident in Polynesian Mormons, whether deliberate or unintentional. They are part of an institutionalized religion in which members are encouraged to obey the Word of Wisdom and the law of chastity, create families, serve others, faithfully study the scriptures and attend church meetings as well as fulfill time consuming leadership callings in their wards and stakes. Their cultural duties such as canoeing, dancing, chanting, eating, or talking story, combine to create a cultural pride and self-determination. As I have argued, many Polynesian Mormons have embraced Mormon teachings, practices, and lifestyles while simultaneously sustaining and re-asserting their cultural identities. Thus, a connection to their past is created. The result is that a lived religion is established and the culmination of both religion and culture become one.

I presented this paper at the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association Annual meeting in Sacramento on May 20, 2011.

University of Wyoming Black 14 and Some Theories Behind the Ban of the Priesthood

As the Assistant Director for Minority Student Recruitment at the University of Wyoming from 1999 to 2003, I served as the advisor for the United Multicultural Council. As the advisor and past member of UMC, I felt that it was important to share the history of the Black 14 by unveiling a sculpture (a raised fist, suggesting a dramatic struggle) honoring the student activism of the fourteen African American football players on November 8, 2002. “The sculpture recognizes their student awareness and their standing up for what they believed,” UMC executive Juan Coronado said. In 2002, the University of Wyoming admitted wrong doings in not supporting those fourteen students. Not all agreed with the idea of the sculpture, because some felt that the sculpture honored the protest of the Mormon beliefs. However, the sculpture does not stand as an honor to their protest of the Mormon religious belief. Rather, it was intended to honor the principle that, in a free and democratic society, protest is to be protected and not punished.

The following two paragraphs are from a combination of articles and publication written about the Black 14 at the University of Wyoming. “The Black 14” historical documentary written by Mike McElreath, Tony Pedersen, and Steve Costin. Produced by Dr. Niyi Coker Jr.

On October 18, 1969, fourteen African American football players were kicked off the University of Wyoming football team for taking a stance against unfair religious practices. The night before a critical game against their traditional rival Brigham Young University, an institution affiliated with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, a simple black armband stood in the way of these fourteen players and their much anticipated game. Their reasons for wanting to wear black armbands during the football game was a way to protest against what they considered to be the racist policy of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, more commonly known as the LDS or Mormon Church. In 1969, the Mormon Church did not allow African Americans to hold the priesthood. This prevented African Americans from blessing, preparing or passing the sacrament, from administering sacred ordinances such as baptisms, confirmations, or priesthood blessings, and from holding leadership positions in the church.

The protest by the players was to coincide with a nonviolent protest planned by the Black Student Alliance at the University of Wyoming. Although it was a simple, silent protest, the coach refused their request to wear armbands. As published in the local newspaper, “Not only did Coach Eaton kick the players off the team he lectured to them heatedly in the War Memorial Fieldhouse that same day, demeaning them, according to the players and another witness.” When the players tried to speak, he told them to “shut up”. After long intense meetings, the University’s officials and the Governor of the State supported the coach’s decision in removing the players from the team. The coach not only stripped these football players of their athletic status, but he denied them the right to stand up for something they believed in. Some may view the coach’s decision as a racial insult. The attention of the Black 14 incident by the national media was immediate. These players historically became known as the Black 14.




This important piece of Wyoming history exemplifies past racial policy and supporting doctrine that has inspired me to look more into the details of the Mormon religion; which is viewed by some as a religious institution with past racist ideology. For the past two years I have studied and researched the Mormon Church’s views on culture and race by examining the teachings and historical research associated with the central teaching that associated dark skin with a curse of Cain and Ham. My research has lead me to presenting and analyzing key factors that have been debated over and over. I have examined historical events, political policies and sacred text that have been used to justify discrimination and stereotypes towards blacks. I hope to shed light on the negative identity associated with the curse of dark skin that can damage understanding and embracing diversity of other cultures. In addition, I have analyzed theories used to justify the Church’s stance on denying blacks from receiving the Priesthood, and then what attempt they made to remedy the situation.

So, how did the ban of the priesthood on blacks come about? Many scholars have speculated on a number of reasons for the denial of the priesthood from blacks. I have analyzed a few of the religion-based reasoning arguments and explored some examples on how the Mormon Church has tried to sustain its racial ideology by using religious text to justify their teachings and beliefs. I have looked into four areas that I have identified as areas of debate within and outside the Mormon Church.

The first area is the acceptance of traditional American and European biblical teachings associated with the origins of blacks from the lineage of Cain and Ham, which can be seen in the teaching and translation from Joseph Smith’s Pearl of Great Price; second, the well documented and researched “Missouri thesis”; third, Brigham Young’s political influences in regards to gaining statehood; and fourth, the creation and development of the Genesis Group for black members in the Mormon Church. By exploring these areas I will attempt to analyze how black Mormons deal with and negotiate between defined cultural/racial identities that they cannot disassociation themselves from and religious beliefs and traditions that expect them to accept an inferior role to be accepted into the church. My argument is that religion can best be viewed as a network of relationships between social factors that can be translated over and over for one’s own purpose. As you will see, religion has been used as a tool to control the masses for one’s own purpose or profit.

Many scholars have theorized reasons why the Church withheld the Priesthood from blacks. The Book of Abraham from the Pearl of Great Price, another work written by Joseph Smith, refers to the people of Ham in Egypt as being ineligible from holding the Priesthood. This most likely was because a woman, Egyptus, daughter of Ham (son of Noah and father of Canaan) discovered the land of Egypt; so all descendents were thus forbidden to hold the Priesthood. Abraham Chapter 1 verse 27 states, “Now, Pharaoh, being of that lineage by which he could not have the right of Priesthood…through Ham, therefore my father was led away by their idolatry.” Armand Mauss states, “No reason or explanation is provided in the scripture for this proscription, and nothing in any of the scriptures connects the lineage of the pharaohs to black Africans in general.” Because Canaan, son of Ham, was cursed to be a servant unto his brethren by Noah, resembling black slavery, there is vague correlation between Egyptians, descendants of Canaan and blacks, yet still no lineage lines. Thus, one can speculate that sacred text has been used or directed as a tool to control and oppress groups of people.



Mauss also argues, “Joseph Smith clearly identified the Church with the tribe of Ephraim as yearly as November 1831. But such identification at the early date was more symbolic than literal.” Joseph Smith never intended the translation of the curse of black skin to be taken literally and he did not restrict the Priesthood from any lineage during his lifetime. Joseph Smith is believed to have been present when Elijah Abel was ordained with Priesthood blessings. Elijah Abel a free African American became the first black to hold the Priesthood. Smith never made a formal declaration as to who does or does not qualify to hold the priesthood and many of his writings and quotes show he was rather indecisive on this matter. He stated, “I can say, that the curse is not yet taken off the sons of Canaan, neither will be until it is affected by as great power as caused it to come; and the people who interfere the least with the decrees and purposes of God in this matter, will come under the least condemnation before him.” Here he is justifying the use of black slavery rather than condemning blacks from receiving the priesthood. Joseph Smith seems to have believed that blacks should be allowed to receive the priesthood while concurrently reasoning them to be fit for slavery. Some authors, such as Fawn Mckay Brodie suggest that Joseph Smith may have believed that slavery went even further than the curse of Ham by linking blacks to the premortal existence when one-third were neutral in their decision of whom to follow (Christ or Lucifer), but joined the victors and were cursed for that reason.

Another theory regarding the Mormon’s stance on blacks and the Priesthood demonstrates a political rather than religious reason. Steven L.Taggart’s heavily researched work Mormonism’s Negro Policy: Social and Historical Origins, first published in 1970 states that the Church “had no explicit doctrine regarding slavery when it entered Missouri.” The “Missouri thesis” was introduced in the late twentieth century as part of the new Mormon history. This thesis traces the denial of the priesthood from blacks to conflicts between Mormons and non-Mormons in the Slave State of Missouri in the 1830s. Many believe that the Mormons who migrated to this Slave State from Free states, like New York and Ohio, felt that in order to avoid further misunderstanding and persecution for their religious beliefs; they adopted anti-black policies and took a pro-slavery stance. Consequently, this included restricting blacks from holding the priesthood. Taggart says, “This was done to ‘reduce the conflict’ between the Latter-day Saints and their non-Mormon Missouri neighbors.” Thomas Tweed elaborates on the subject of crossing and dwelling, in which the Mormon pioneers were doing until their move to the west. Tweed writes, “Religions are organic-cultural flows, then is to suggest they are confluences of organic channels and cultural currents that conjoin to create institutional networks that, in turn, prescribe, transmit, and transform tropes, beliefs, values, emotions, artifacts, and rituals.” Tweed’s argument that religious interpretations of cultural trajectories cannot ignore the outside influences and demands makes sense in regards to the continuance migration of the Mormons from place to place in search of a religious Zion.

Furthermore, Bruce Lincoln explores the connection between religion and role of structures that hold the power and control. Lincoln argues, “The dominant fraction disseminates a characteristic ideology through all segments of society, propounding a set of fundamental values and principles that, while expressed in terms of lofty abstraction or eternal truth, nevertheless serves to further the interests of those who hold power.” This goes to show that history of religion can and will continue to be translated by the ones with the strongest/loudest voice and most power.

Brigham Young, the second president of the Church had different views than Joseph Smith on black policies, and some theorize that he had much influence on denying blacks the priesthood not for religious purposes, but for political profit. Lester Bush writes, “Joseph Smith did not connect that lineage [Egyptians] to any restriction on the priesthood and did not withhold the priesthood from black church members during his lifetime; the restriction emerged gradually during the 1840s and was formally introduced only in 1852 by Brigham Young, who then connected it to the lineage of Cain; and then resorted to the Book of Abraham to justify denial of the priesthood occurred only after the work was formally canonized late in the nineteenth century.” Young was so eager for Utah to gain statehood that he agreed Utah would become a slave state. At the time of awarding statehood to the newly acquired west, the federal government was alternating between awarding each territory the title of Slave State and Free State. Because of Young’s desires to have control over moral and civil laws, he used the teaching of Cain and the curse of Cain to religiously justify his reasoning about denying the priesthood from blacks. According to Taggart, “The Book of Abraham suggests that Noah’s son Ham perpetuated the seed of Cain through his wife, Egyptus, who was Canaanite descent, and that consequently Ham’s descendants were forbidden to hold the priesthood.” Mormon Church leaders were stretching to find religious text that could be used to justify their racist ideology. Young continued to seek out other sacred texts that could strengthen his argument by using the Book of Moses Chapter 5 verse 25, “And it shall be said in time to come-That these abominations were had from Cain; for he rejected the greater counsel which was had from God; and this is a cursing which I will put upon thee, except thou repent.” Thus, misleading generation upon generation to believe that it was by the power of God that blacks and other minorities were not worthy to be ordained to priests or have any say in the Church’s leadership.



It was only in 1978 that the church altered rules that prohibited black men from holding the priesthood. Author of Minority Mormons, Emily Gurnon, writes, “The governing body received in that year what it called a revelation that blacks could fulfill all leadership roles.” This believed revelation from heaven was received by the president at the time, Spencer W. Kimball, who for years before his time as president of the Mormon Church struggled with the reasoning behind this ban of the priesthood. He was concerned about the image that was being portrayed of the Mormon Church toward blacks. Because of his concerns one of the first actions he took as president of the Church was to form the Genesis Group.

Spencer W. Kimball appointed Gordon B. Hinckley and Thomas S. Monson to develop and assist in the creation of the Genesis Group . The creation of the group served as a platform for blacks to speak their minds, without feeling the pressures of having to conform to a certain identity. The purpose of the group was two-fold; one to help retain black members of the church, by creating a welcoming environment that strengthened the voices of it members by explicitly celebrating and articulating the diverse experiences of its members; and two, to publicly show others that the Mormon Church is attempting to understand diversity and is welcoming to all groups of people. Both of these attempts have healed some of the historical racial
policies.

I have had the opportunity to become friends with one of those leaders. Darius Gray, former president of the Genesis Group is an amazing man with a great history. If you do not know him, I would encourage you to meet him.

Article from Mormon Times: "Football, racial issues--then understanding."
http://www.mormontimes.com/people_news/sports/?id=11320

Works cited:
The Laramie Daily Boomerang – May 22, 1998
This introduction is from a combination of articles and publication written about the Black 14 at the University of Wyoming. “The Black 14” historical documentary written by Mike McElreath, Tony Pedersen, and Steve Costin. Produced by Dr. Niyi Coker Jr.
Jeremiah Johnke. The Banding Iron. University of Wyoming Student Newspaper. November 12, 2002.
Translated by Joseph Smith. The Pearl of Great Price.
Armand Mauss. All Abraham’s Children: Changing Mormon Conceptions of Race and Lineage. University of Illinois Press. 2003. Page #238.
Newell G. Bringhurst and Darron T. Smith. Black and Mormon. University of Illinois Press. 2006. Page #25.
Thomas A. Tweed. Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion. Harvard University Press. 2006. Page # 69.
Bruce Lincoln. Holy Terrors: Thinking about Religion after September 11. University of Chicago Press. 2003. Page # 79.
Armand Mauss. All Abraham’s Children: Changing Mormon Conceptions of Race and Lineage. University of Illinois Press. 2003. Page #240.
Newell G. Bringhurst and Darron T. Smith. Black and Mormon. University of Illinois Press. 2006. Page #16.
Translated by Joseph Smith. The Pearl of Great Price.
Emily Gurnon. “Minority Mormons.” Christian Century Vol. 111 Issue 5, February 16, 1994. Page 2 of article online. http://web.ebscohost.com.
The Genesis Group still actively meets on the first Sunday of every month in Utah to this day.
Transcript of Interview. Darius Gray. Utah’s African-American Voices. www.kued.org./production/voices/interviews/gray.htm.
Emily Gurnon. “Minority Mormons.” Christian Century Vol. 111 Issue 5, February 16, 1994. Page 2 of article online. http://web.ebscohost.com.
Ibid Page 2 of article online.
Newell G. Bringhurst and Darron T. Smith. Black and Mormon. University of Illinois Press. 2006. Page #121.
Victor Brown. “Minorities: A Latter-day Saint Definition.” New Era, September 1972
Armand Mauss. All Abraham’s Children: Changing Mormon Conceptions of Race and Lineage. University of Illinois Press. 2003. Page #231.

Iosepa and Hawaiian Saints

"The Latter-Day Saints began an aggressive outreach program around the Pacific Basin as early as the 1840’s, establishing an early center in the Sandwich Islands.”
----- Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp (2008)

At the Iosepa Cemetery there was a plaque that had the following statement: "Here lie honored Polynesian pioneers who have sealed their testimonies in dust that God lives, Jesus is the Christ, all the presidents of the Church are Prophets of God, and the Church of Jesus Christ is true."

When one begins to explore the influences that Mormonism has had on the Native Hawaiians (including other Polynesian groups) and their way of life, it is impossible to ignore the past. The rich histories of Mormonism in Hawaii stem all the way back to 1850 when the first missionaries set foot on the islands. Along the way these histories have been passed down through oral and written tradition. In preparation for my visit, I had the opportunity to read three books that I found to be both historical and informative resources on the studies of Mormonism in Hawaii. R. Lanier Britsch’s book, Moramona: The Mormons in Hawaii, gives a very detailed history of the first missionaries that were sent to Hawaii. Also discussed are the trials behind the founding and establishment of Laie as the site for the LDS Temple, Brigham Young University Hawaii and the Polynesian Cultural Center. Joseph F. Smith suggested Laie as the gathering place, but follow through came from Brigham Young, the President of the Mormon Church at the time. Throughout the book, Brigham Young is a huge influence on the settlement, mission, and the structure of the church in Hawaii. Only through his written directions and verbal instructions were missionaries sent to Hawaii to work with the lost tribe of Israel.



Being that Young never traveled to Hawaii to supervise the establishment of the Zion in paradise, he counted on a number of missionaries to direct the saints in Hawaii. George Q. Cannon was one of the first missionaries to serve in Hawaii, and he played a major role in the advancement of Mormonism in Hawaii. Cannon’s accomplishments are referenced in all three books. He was able to develop lasting relationships with the locals while maintaining the overall objectives of the Mormon Church’s missionary goals. Utah missionaries (Cannon included) dedicated themselves to building a new Zion in ‘paradise’ and created remarkable stories of struggle and triumph while working alongside the Native Hawaiians. Some of the difficulties that they had to overcome were language barriers, economic growth, land ownership, and traditional practices that do not coincide with the Mormon religious beliefs. This book gives an in-depth historical look into these religious beliefs, personal beliefs and social conflicts that plagued these pioneers in the beginning. Of all of these three books, I found Britsch’s book to be the most useful in connecting the people with time, space and history.

The second piece of literature I found interesting is the book edited by Grant Underwood titled, Voyages of Faith: Explorations in Mormon Pacific History. This book contains a wide array of essays that examine the interactions Native Hawaiians, Mormon leaders, missionaries, and members had in building the “Kingdom of God” in Hawaii. The essays range from a detailed history on the establishment of the Church College (now named BYU Hawaii) to a summary of each of the presidents of the Polynesian Cultural Center (PCC) and the role they played in advancing this center of entertainment. Also discussed were religious tools used to stimulate visitors to investigate the Mormon Church and its beliefs. This book links faith and traditions together and parallels how they intermix with each other over time. Traditional dance and song and style of dress has changed in some ways, but remained the same in others. Vernice Wineera writes in her essay, The Polynesian Cultural Center, “Polynesian Saints feel a depth of connection, a sense of belonging as members of the LDS Church.” She continues, “The Book of Mormon sustains Polynesian identity as a covenant people of the Lord. In this way, Polynesian Church members feel confirmed in their heritage by birth, by blood, and by blessing.” Throughout this book the faith that these authors have in the Mormon Church is eminent, and at the same time their connection to their heritage is strong and continues to be used to define their role in Mormonism.


There are 79 graves in the cemetery.





Even though Britsch’s and Underwood’s books are one sided, because the authors of the essays are Mormon insiders, the historical past that is shared is eye opening. These two books gave me an in-depth look at how faith and culture are interweaved throughout traditions and religious beliefs. These traditions and religious beliefs can be traced back to The Book of Mormon and the announcement of Cannon’s revelation that Native Hawaiians are descendants of Lehi--hence belonging to the lineage of Israel through the tales of Hagoth, a Nephite explorer who is believed to have traveled to the Pacific Islands as has been speculated by some Native Hawaiians, Mormon Leaders, and scholars. The testimonies of the Polynesians and Native Hawaiians who believe they are descendants of Hagoth continue to be strengthened by these types of connections.

Finally, Proclamation to the People: Nineteenth-Century Mormonism and the Pacific Basin Frontier is a collection of essays by Laurie Maffly –Kipp, Reid Neilson and others, which provides the reader with a theological overview of Mormonism in the Pacific Basin. The writers explore the meaning of Mormon settlements and movements and how Mormon missionary efforts parallel and contrast with other religious groups’ missionary efforts. What I enjoyed about this book is the combination of insider and outsider scholarly work. The essays in this book vary from tales of missionary work in Hawaii to the migration of Polynesian populations to America and their conversion to Mormonism.



I would strongly encourage anyone who is planning to do research on Mormonism in the Pacific Basin to review these three books. They have provided me with historical overview of influences that Mormonism has had on the Pacific Basin.

Photo Below: President Gordon B. Hinckley and his wife attended the 100th Anniversary of Iosepa.

The Lamanites - Multimedia Project (Christianity and Culture)

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has endorsed a plethora of children's religious/material objects, which, I feel can result in racial discrimination against ethnic minorities based on their depiction of dark-skinned Lamanites.  For my final project for the Christianity and Culture course I have developed a short 10 minute video, using children's objects that are sold at LDS bookstores to show that these images can have either a negative or positive connotation depending on their use.

The title of my presentation is:

The Lamanites: The Mormon Depiction and Interpretation of the Dark Skinned Lamanites in Children's Objects.

The Lamanites from Dominic Martinez on Vimeo.

Have you ever wondered why Jesus only visited a few before he returned to heaven with his father? What was so important about those people that he chose to visit them? According to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, also known as Mormons, before Jesus returned to sit next to his father forever, Jesus visited the tribes of the Nephites and Lamanites in the Americas. The Book of Mormon summarizes in 3 Nephi Chapter 11-18; “After three days the darkness left and many people gathered around the temple. They marveled at the great destruction. Some of the people remembered the signs that had been given when Jesus was born. They also recognized that the darkness and destruction fulfilled Samuel the Lamanite’s prophecy of the signs of the Savior’s death.



Suddenly, they heard a voice that seemed to come from heaven. It was not a loud voice, but it pierced them to the very center so that every part of their being felt its message. It warmed their hearts, but still they could not understand what the voice said. Again the voice was heard, but still they did not understand. The third time they understood; the voice said, “Behold my Beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.” As the multitude looked up, they saw a man, clothed in a white robe, descending out of heaven. He came down and stood in the midst of them. He stretched forth his hand and announced, “Behold I am Jesus Christ, whom the prophets testified shall come into the world.”[1] Because of my love and curiosity for history and religion, I have been inspired to look into the details of the Mormon religion and their beliefs surrounded around the Nephites and Lamanites (Native Americans) that were visited by Jesus Christ. I want to examine and research the teachings and beliefs of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints’ views and attitudes towards Native Americans.

---

[1] Book of Mormon. 3 Nephi Verse 11-18.