The Iosepa Voyage: The Reconstruction of Hawaiian Voyaging Within Mormon Context

In 1973, anthropologist, Ben Finney, led a group of Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian canoeing enthusiasts on a journey that reshaped the history of Polynesian canoeing via reconstructing the old ways of navigating the open oceans. This interest in traditional navigating and canoeing transpired during his years as a Master student at the University of Hawai‘i. In his anthropological studies, Finney was introduced to Andrew Sharp’s work, who believed that Polynesian settlement of Hawai‘i only occurred because they lacked true navigational skills and their canoes were pushed by wind to uninhabited islands. Finney saw fault in Sharp’s argument and set out to disprove Sharp’s theory. Finney founded the Polynesian Voyaging Society and raised funds to construct and voyage a double-hulled canoe, the Hokule‘a, modeled after the characteristics of the canoes of ancient Polynesia. With the Hokule‘a, he and his colleagues were able to challenge Sharp’s theory and revive the reputation of ancient Polynesian canoeing and navigating. Through the completion of multiple voyages between Hawai’i and other Polynesian islands, Finney and his colleagues were able to employ oral traditions that can only be fully understood through this experience. Finney’s initial purpose of the reinvention of Polynesian voyaging was more of a scientific experiment, yet he successfully deflated Sharp’s theory.

Much like the Hokule‘a, a Mormon group in La‘ie, Hawai‘i, comprised of students in the Hawaiian Studies Program at Brigham Young University-Hawai‘i (BYU Hawai‘i) and employees at the Polynesian Cultural Center, under the leadership of William Wallace, have embarked on this same journey by constructing and voyaging their own vessel, the Iosepa (first launched in 2001). The Iosepa is a 57-foot traditional twin-hulled canoe also modeled after the ancient Polynesian vessels. In context of revived canoeing tradition, such as the Hokule‘a, I will analyze how the Iosepa, a Mormon-Hawaiian canoe, fits within the duality of Hawaiian and Mormon identities. For Wallace and the students who built the Iosepa, it leads one to examine whether they identify largely as Hawaiian, Mormon or a fraught articulation of the two. My contribution to this complex context is to argue that this reconstruction of the old traditional ways of voyaging has the BYU-Hawai‘i students reconnecting to their ancestry’s old ways, even within a colonized space, thus allowing them to become Polynesian and Mormon equally. By exploring the “cargo” carried by the Iosepa, represents the hopes, aspirations, and intentions for the canoe builders and crew, I argue that the Mormon Church and its historical influence is a key contributor within Hawaiian narrative.

In order to understand Polynesian Mormons’ struggle with the burden of dual identities, I have examined a range of documents pertaining to local histories and cultural expressions. As the Director of the Office of Diversity and Inclusion at the University of Colorado I have worked with diverse groups and individuals that struggle with their dual identities, and through direct contact with Mormon and non-Mormon Polynesians, I have witnessed the process of how identity construction is experienced and articulated within Polynesian Mormon communities. Indirectly, I will use my interactions with Mormon Polynesians to assist in framing my argument on the ability to negotiate between Polynesian identities and Mormon identities. In doing so, I hope to add a fresh and unique perspective to the study of identity construction.

To justify my argument, I primarily engage the theoretical approach outlined by Robert Orsi in regard to his ideas of in-betweeness and lived religion. For my purpose, I view the in-betweeness of the two worlds as being the religious world and cultural world of a Polynesian Mormon and the meaning of the identities that are constructed between the two worlds. To describe lived religion, he states, “Religious practice and imagination is an ongoing, dynamic relation with realities and structures of everyday life in particular times and places.” This concept describes how members of any given religious community make meaningful and workable sense of the institutional, ritual and theological structures with which they live.

To support my argument that Polynesian Mormons are able to attain dual identities, two ideas have become my focus. First, Polynesians and Mormons have overlapping practices whose similarities could be due in part to mythical speculation that Polynesians are descendants of a Mormon Nephite explorer named Hagoth. This gives Polynesians a tangible relation to Mormon religious text. Second, the Iosepa canoe is named after the 19th Century Mormon Polynesian colony, Iosepa, Utah, where faithful Polynesian saints immigrated in order continue the Lord’s work. Here the Polynesians practiced their culture in an unfamiliar environment while remaining steadfast in their religious beliefs.

Similar to how Hawaiian history is passed from generation to generation, the accounts of Mormons in Hawai‘i have been passed down through oral and written tradition. When one begins to explore the influences that Mormonism has had on the Native Hawaiians (and other Polynesian groups) and their way of life, it is impossible to ignore the past. The genealogical research and the path of ancestry are of great importance to both Hawaiian and Mormon traditions in order to exalt their path of ancestry. Polynesians rely on genealogy for a connection to their ancestors in order to strengthen their cultural identity.

When linking Polynesians to Mormon history, early Mormon missionaries speculated that Polynesians are the lost tribe from the House of Israel. Mormon scholars have alleged that the Polynesians are descendants of Lehi in the Book of Mormon through Hagoth , a Nephite explorer believed to have set off to sea with his people but never returned. Unfortunately, the accounts of Hagoth’s three ships are sparse and lack insightful detail. However, this has not discouraged some scholars and religious leaders within the Mormon Church to believe that Hagoth discovered and settled the Pacific Islands. The accounts of Hagoth are recorded in the Book of Mormon in Alma Chapter 63, verses 5-8. In summary, Hagoth was a curious man who built three large ships. Many Nephites entered the ships and sailed forth northward, but they were never heard of more.

The problem with considering Polynesians to be Nephite descendants is that the Book of Mormon does not state this point, and there is no official doctrine stating it either, only speculations from leaders and scholars. One of the Church’s early missionaries, George Q. Cannon, had a personal revelation to pronounce the Native Hawaiians to be descendants of Lehi, hence belonging to the lineage of Israel. Most notably, leaders in the Mormon Church that have made a significant statement in this regard are Presidents Heber J. Grant, Joseph F. Smith, and Spencer W. Kimball. Grant stated at the Hawaiian temple dedication, “We thank thee that thousands and tens of thousands of the descendants of Lehi, in this favored land, have come to a knowledge of the Gospel.” Smith furthers this argument by commenting to a group of Maori Mormons, “I would like to say to you brethren and sisters from New Zealand, you are some of Hagoth’s people, and there is no perhaps about it.” These types of statements coming from Church leadership are in some ways considered to be revelation and insight from their heavenly father. The testimonies of the Polynesians and Native Hawaiians who believe they are descendants of Hagoth continue to be strengthened by these types of connections and statements.

When approaching the name Iosepa, I have to peel back layers of meaning, stories, and hopes embedded in its name in order to provide a clear understanding of how the historical and spiritual relationship between Mormonism and Polynesianness have been connected. In the late 1880s, newly converted Mormon Polynesians moved to the Salt Lake Valley to be close to the Church’s gathering place so they could perform their temple work. On August 28, 1889 the Polynesians who had migrated to Utah were moved to Skull Valley because of racial tensions occurring between the Polynesian saints and the white Mormons. Tracey E. Panek argues, “Racial prejudice contributed to tension between the Polynesians and the larger Salt Lake community.” Thus, leading well over 200 Polynesians to establish the Iosepa colony, named after Joseph F. Smith, a former missionary in Hawai‘i who later became President of the Church.

Even though the Iosepa colony only lasted mere decades, I argue that there are two dominant narratives that are present even today: one, the Polynesians’ diasporic connection to Iosepa and two, the Mormon idea of a promised land and the symbolic voyage or journey to this promised land. Thus, the Iosepa canoe has a meaningful connection to its namesake since it represents the metaphoric dialogue of the Polynesian saints who migrated to Iosepa, Utah, and it takes on a larger meaning of both Polynesian identity and Mormon identity.

William Wallace’s grandparents were some of the early Polynesians who converted to Mormonism, sold all their possessions in Hawai‘i, and migrated to the Polynesian colony in Iosepa, Utah. Wallace states, “In a dream, I was inspired by my grandfather to name the canoe Iosepa.” The Iosepa canoe has multiple meanings for many people. But for Wallace, the Iosepa canoe stands as a beacon of hope not only for the students and crewmembers, but for the community of La‘ie and other Polynesian communities. Wallace writes, “Like the colony of Iosepa, the canoe brings together many cultures because it is built with hardwood dakua logs from Fiji, parts from Samoa, Tonga and Hawai‘i and gifts from the Maori.” As one can speculate often times crew members and students attending BYU Hawai‘i grow up knowing they are Hawaiian, Samoan, Tongan, etc., but do not discover the meaning of their ethnic background or their cultural context until they work within this culturally enhanced environment. At the same time, as church members, student and community members, a spiritual self is being created along with a cultural self and two dominant lifestyles are now interweaved and accepted widely in this community. Former student and crewmember Keali‘i states, “Being involved with the canoe is a very spiritual experience, my eyes were opened spiritually, and I felt that our ancestors are there to support us on our voyages.” Former BYU-Hawai‘i president Eric Shumway states in reference to the canoe, “The Iosepa is more than simply a voyaging canoe. From the very beginning this whole process has been a sacred and spiritual journey.” He continues, “Even though it’s part of the Hawaiian Studies program, it was never exclusively Hawaiian. It was inclusively all of Polynesia, the Church, La‘ie and the aloha spirit.”

Connections through genealogy to one’s ancestors, canoeing, agricultural practices, dance/hula and past traditions have been vital in redefining and recreating Polynesian identities and histories. For example, Edward Ayau and Ty Tengan argue that by conducting these cultural protocols and in-depth genealogy searches that native pride and awareness has increased. I use the example of the Iosepa canoe and its crewmembers, or as Wallace states, “voyagers of faith,” to reinforce this argument of how these practices and traditions are being nourished and reintroduced to the community.

What I have learned from my research is that recognizing what it means to be both Polynesian and Mormon is a learning process for Polynesian Mormons to first understand and then live their dual identities. I have decided that the Mormon canoe, Iosepa, assists with this in-between negotiation for members and serves as historical constituents of their heritage and traditions. The Iosepa not only provided the students and the crewmembers with insight to understand their past and culture, it is also a metaphor for the voyage of Polynesian saints from America to Pacific islands and back again. Feki, a student at BYU- Hawai‘i, who assisted on the construction of the Iosepa canoe wrote on a blog, “I have learned so much from the canoe about my culture to the point that when I came back from serving a full-time mission, I decided to change my major from English to Hawaiian Studies. I have tried to become fluent in the Hawai‘i language, but it’s not quite there yet. I can understand a lot more now, and I have a greater appreciation and understanding for my Hawaiian culture.” This appreciation of discovering one’s identity assists in the process of decolonization for his people and himself.

By exploring the construction and use of identity, Polynesians are able to stay connected to their historical roots and ancestral ties while interweaving and balancing another dominant lifestyle like Mormonism. I do not contend that the Mormon Church purposely set out to preserve the cultural roots and traditions of Polynesians; it is an instructive and consequential coincidence of history that some beliefs and practices coincided with each other. Thus, Polynesians have been able to engage the space of these intersections as a means to sustain their Polynesian identity. I believe that this idea of negotiating between a cultural and a religious lifestyle, termed “in-betweeness” by Robert Orsi, is attainable and evident in Polynesian Mormons, whether deliberate or unintentional. They are part of an institutionalized religion in which members are encouraged to obey the Word of Wisdom and the law of chastity, create families, serve others, faithfully study the scriptures and attend church meetings as well as fulfill time consuming leadership callings in their wards and stakes. Their cultural duties such as canoeing, dancing, chanting, eating, or talking story, combine to create a cultural pride and self-determination. As I have argued, many Polynesian Mormons have embraced Mormon teachings, practices, and lifestyles while simultaneously sustaining and re-asserting their cultural identities. Thus, a connection to their past is created. The result is that a lived religion is established and the culmination of both religion and culture become one.

I presented this paper at the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association Annual meeting in Sacramento on May 20, 2011.